The Painful History of the Jews in England: Immigration, Persecution and Liberation – 3

The Painful History of the Jews in England: Immigration, Persecution and Liberation – 3

■ Ibrahim Sediyani

 

– continued from last chapter –

     ■ EXILE OF THE JEWS FROM BRITAIN

     Jews in Britain were again targeted in the coinage crisis of the late 1270s. More than 300 Jews (over 10% of the Jewish population in England) were sentenced to death for tampering with the currency. ⁽¹⁶⁰⁾ The Crown profited by collecting at least £16,500 from seized assets and fines paid by those who were not executed. ⁽¹⁶¹⁾

     Some Jewish moneylenders apparently continued to lend money in exchange for future delivery of goods to avoid usury restrictions. This was a practice fully known to the Crown, as debts had to be recorded in a government archive or coffers. Others found ways to continue trading, and some probably left the country. ⁽¹⁶²⁾

     The Crown organized arrests in 1276, followed by mass arrests of Jews in 1278. This occurred in the context of reduced tax returns from the Jewish community, while King of England Edward I Longshanks (1239 – 1307) was in extreme financial difficulties. ⁽¹⁶³⁾ In 1278, approximately 600 Jews were imprisoned. This number – since the Jewish population at the time did not exceed 3,000 – probably represented almost all Jewish households. 298 Jews were executed in the capital London alone. ⁽¹⁶⁴⁾

     The instructions given to the judges overseeing the process made it clear that the trial was anti-Semitic. ⁽¹⁶⁵⁾ There is evidence that King of England Edward I regularly briefed leading actors. In particular, regarding the confiscation and disposal of property, as well as sentencing, including the final stages of the process to rein in the number of those sentenced to death. ⁽¹⁶⁶⁾

     The church took further steps. For example, John Peckham (1230 – 92), Archbishop of Canterbury, led a campaign in 1282 to close seven synagogues in London ⁽¹⁶⁷⁾ and had all the synagogues in his diocese closed ⁽¹⁶⁸⁾.

     In late 1286, Pope Honorius IV or with real name Giacomo Savelli (1210 – 87) at the Vatican sent a private letter, or “edict”, to the archbishops of York and Canterbury, claiming that Jews were exerting a bad influence on religious life in England through free interaction with Christians, and that action should be taken to prevent this. he called. ⁽¹⁶⁹⁾ Pope Honorius IV’ demands were restated at the Synod of Exeter in 1287. The church redefined its laws against partnership between Jews and Christians; it required the wearing of Jewish badges and prohibited Jews from holding public offices, having Christian servants, or appearing in public during Easter. The practice of Jewish doctors was also banned, and the regulations of the Synod of Oxford of 1222, which prohibited the construction of new synagogues and the entry of Jews into churches, were revised. ⁽¹⁷⁰⁾

     In 1287, King of England Edward I was in the French provinces of the Duchy of Gascony trying to negotiate the release of his cousin Charles II of Salerno (1254 – 1309), who was being held captive in Aragon. ⁽¹⁷¹⁾ On Easter Sunday, Edward I broke his collarbone in a 24-meter (80-foot) fall and was bedridden for several months. ⁽¹⁷²⁾ Shortly after his recovery, Edward ordered the expulsion of the local Jews from Gascony. ⁽¹⁷³⁾

     His immediate motivation may have been the need to raise funds ⁽¹⁷⁴⁾ for the release of his cousin Charles II, but many historians say that the money seized from exiled Jews was insignificant and given to mendicant orders (e.g. monks), thus justifying the expulsion from Edward I’s injury. They see it as an “offer of thanks” for being saved. ⁽¹⁷⁵⁾

     After his release in 1289, Charles II of Salerno expelled Jews from his lands in Maine and Anjou, accusing them of “living promiscuously with the Christian population” and “living with Christian women.” He attributed the deportation to the general taxation of the population as “compensation” for the loss of income. It seemed that Edward I and Charles II might have learned from each other’s experiences. ⁽¹⁷⁶⁾

     When he returned to England from Gascony in 1289, King of England Edward I was in great debt. ⁽¹⁷⁷⁾ At the same time, the attempt to “Christianize” the Jews and eliminate their addiction to interest-bearing loans had also failed. The 15-year period during which Jews were allowed to rent farms had ended. It also became increasingly difficult to raise significant amounts of money from the Jewish population because they were constantly overtaxed. ⁽¹⁷⁸⁾

     On 14 June 1290, King Edward I invited representatives of the provincial knights, moderate landowners, to attend Parliament by 15 July. These knights were the group most hostile to Jews and usury. On June 18, Edward I sent secret orders to the sheriffs of cities with Jewish residents to seal archives containing records of Jewish debts. The reason for this is controversial. This may mean preparation for an additional tax to be paid by the Jewish population, or it may represent a preparatory step towards deportation. ⁽¹⁷⁹⁾ The Parliament convened on July 15. Since there is no record of parliamentary debates, it is unclear whether the Crown offered the expulsion of Jews in exchange for tax votes or whether Parliament wanted it as a concession. Both views are defended. The connection between them seems certain, given the evidence of contemporaneous records and the rapidity with which orders were given to expel Jews from England, presumably after an agreement had been reached. ⁽¹⁸⁰⁾ The taxes Parliament gave Edward were very high; At 116,000 Sterling (£), it was probably the highest tax of the Middle Ages. ⁽¹⁸¹⁾ In gratitude, the Church then voluntarily agreed to pay a tax of one-tenth of its income. ⁽¹⁸²⁾

     On July 18, 1290, the decree for the exile (deportation) of the Jews from Britain was issued. ⁽¹⁸³⁾ The text of the edict is lost. ⁽¹⁸⁴⁾ That day, July 18, 1290, was 9 Av (Tisha b’Av) 5050 on the Hebrew calendar; it was the anniversary of the destruction of the Jerusalem (Jerushalayeem) Temple. It’s unlikely to be a coincidence. ⁽¹⁸⁵⁾ According to Cecil Roth (1899 – 1970), a English Jewish historian and one of the editors of the world-famous “Encyclopaedia Judaica”, this “coincidence” has been noted “with admiration” by Jewish historians. ⁽¹⁸⁶⁾ On the same day, letters were sent to the sheriffs stating that all Jews should be separated by All Saints’ Day, November 1, 1290, and outlining their duties in this regard. ⁽¹⁸⁷⁾

     The Edict of Expulsion was a royal decree issued by King of England Edward I on July 18, 1290, expelling all Jews from the Kingdom of England. With this historic and shameful edict, for the first time, a European state permanently banned the existence of Jews.

     The public was warned not to harm the Jews until they left within the specified period. As a matter of fact, although the English people welcomed the decision of exile with joy, there was no chaos or looting, unlike similar practices in Continental Europe. ⁽¹⁸⁸⁾ Proclamations were made ordering the people “not to injure, harm or upset” the Jews who left the country. Guards at Cinque Port were told to make necessary arrangements for their safe passage. ⁽¹⁸⁹⁾ There were limits to the goods Jews could take with them. Although a privileged few were allowed to sell their homes before leaving ⁽¹⁹⁰⁾, the vast majority were forced to give up their outstanding debts, homes, or real estate, including synagogues and cemeteries ⁽¹⁹¹⁾.

     On November 5, King Edward I wrote to the barons of the Exchequer, giving the clearest known official explanation of the edict’s decision. In the letter, Edward I said that Jews were undermining his trust by continuing to find ways to charge interest on loans. He labeled them criminals and traitors and said they were “deported in honor of the Crucified Jesus”. Interest payable on debts seized by the Crown was to be cancelled. ⁽¹⁹²⁾

     Although it is believed that most Jews who left England did so unharmed, there are also records of piracy that led to the deaths of some people who were forced to leave. In October, a ship was chartered by poor London Jews, and the ship’s captain persuaded the Jews to walk on the beach with him and then stranded them on the ship. ⁽¹⁹³⁾ Other incidents of piracy and murder were recorded at Portsmouth ⁽¹⁹⁴⁾ and near Burnham-on-Crouch in Essex ⁽¹⁹⁵⁾.

     The state of the sea in the autumn also led to deaths; The poor Jewish passengers crossed the Channel to Wissant, near Calais. Ships were lost at sea, others arrived with their passengers. ⁽¹⁹⁶⁾ It is unclear where most of the immigrants are going. There are Anglo-Jewish names and documents recorded in France, Germany, Italy and Spain. Including the deeds of an English monastery found in the wooden warehouse of a synagogue in Cairo, the capital of Egypt. ⁽¹⁹⁷⁾

     From the royal perspective, an unexpected development occurred in terms of the sale of Jewish property. Some of the estates were given to the courtiers, the church and the family, for a total of 85 donations. The property sales were mostly completed in the spring of 1291, raising around £2000. ⁽¹⁹⁸⁾ Debts worth £20,000 were seized but almost nothing was recovered. The reasons for this are unclear but may include an attempt to gain political advantage by benefiting those who were previously in debt. ⁽¹⁹⁹⁾

     Despite the Crown’s instructions not to harm Jews, contrary situations also occurred. For example, one of the most interesting events that took place during that exile is as follows: A group of rich Jews from London set out on a rented ship, taking the money they had with them. The ship anchored here at the mouth of the River Thames when it ran aground on the beach during low tide. The ship’s captain is obsessed with Jewish money. He made a plan and told the passengers to get off together and stretch their legs until the tide rose. Just as the tide was rising, the captain quickly boarded the boat and started to sail away with the crew. At that time, he called out to the Jews who were begging him in the rising water, saying: “Don’t pray to me, but to Moses, who saved your ancestors in the Red Sea in the past. Maybe it will save you too.” Jews far from the shore were submerged in the water and drowned. The 14th-century English historian Walteri de Hemingburgh, also known as Walter of Guisborough (? – ?), states that the captain told King Edward I what happened next and was rewarded by him. ⁽²⁰⁰⁾

     The experience of the Jews of England was particularly important both for its political, economic, religious and social significance for England as a whole ⁽²⁰¹⁾, and for the development of Anti-Semitism. During this period, many unfounded accusations and associations were developed in England, and prejudices were felt more deeply than in other parts of Europe. ⁽²⁰²⁾

     King of England Edward I has also been described as a “significant figure” internationally as the first English monarch to engage in “state-sponsored conversion” ⁽²⁰³⁾, permanently exclude Jews from his kingdom ⁽²⁰⁴⁾, and use Anti-Semitism as a tool of state policy ⁽²⁰⁵⁾.

     The Edict of Expulsion and the practice of deportation and the events surrounding it also gave rise to a strong strain of Anti-Semitism within the English identity that outlived the period. This includes the idea that England is unique precisely because it does not contain Jews. ⁽²⁰⁶⁾

     The Jewish population in England at the time of the expulsion was relatively small; Although estimates vary, it was perhaps as many as 2000 people. ⁽²⁰⁷⁾ Decades of deprivation had caused many Jews to emigrate or convert. ⁽²⁰⁸⁾

     It is unknown where most of the immigrants went. Those who arrived in France were initially allowed to stay in Amiens and Carcassonne, but permission was soon revoked. Cecil Roth, a English Jewish historian and co-editor of “Encyclopaedia Judaica”, estimates that because most Anglo-Jews still spoke French, many of them sought refuge in France. Evidence from personal names in records shows that some Jews in Paris, Savoy, and elsewhere bore the title “L’Englesche” or “L’Englois”, meaning “English”. Similar names can be found among the Jews of Spain. The sites where Anglo-Jewish texts have been found also provide evidence of possible destinations for immigrants, including Germany, Italy, and Spain. According to Cecil Roth, the deeds of an English monastery were found in the wooden warehouse of a synagogue in Cairo. ⁽²⁰⁹⁾

     English historians almost unanimously put the number of Jews deported at approximately 16,000. ⁽²¹⁰⁾ Jews were allowed to take cash and whatever belongings they could carry with them, but their bonds and all their real estate remained with the state. ⁽²¹¹⁾ King Edward I, a religious person, wrote off the interest on the receivables and started working only to collect the principal. However, making this collection was not easy. As a matter of fact, when we look at the decisions on this issue in 1315 and 1327, it can be seen that the collection is still not over. Stone houses belonging to the Jews were also used and named after them. ⁽²¹²⁾

     While some of the Jews who set out for France drowned as a result of the storms, some were left helpless on the French shores. The King of France allowed the Jews to live in Amiens for a while, but this compassionate attitude was condemned by the Pope. Another group of 1335 people, mostly poor people, also went to Flander. ⁽²¹³⁾

     The few Jews who remained in England after the expulsion were probably converts. At the time of the deportation, there were around 100 converted Jews in the Domus Conversorum, which provided accommodation for Jews who converted to Christianity. ⁽²¹⁴⁾

     In the long term, it is believed that English identity after exile carried a strong tendency towards Anti-Semitism, developing negative ideas about what Jews were and what dangers they posed. ⁽²¹⁵⁾ Jewish imagery abounds in the devotional literature of the Late Middle Ages, including sermons and plays. ⁽²¹⁶⁾

     Both Jewish and non-Jewish sources mention a second expulsion in 1358, during the reign of King of England Edward III of Windsor (1312 – 77). This is probably limited to some Jews who remained behind and those who returned to the country after 1290. ⁽²¹⁷⁾

     After the fall of the Andalusian Islamic Civilization (711 – 1492) in the Iberian Peninsula in 1492, Jews also received their share from the massacres and sanctions imposed on Muslims and were exiled. Afterwards, the center of gravity of the Jews shifted from the West to the East, and their most important homeland became Anatolia. In the Iberian Peninsula, their refuge was Portugal. ⁽²¹⁸⁾

     Historians generally state that the exile had a heavy toll on England. The country, which was already in a difficult situation due to wars, was constantly collecting taxes from the people. It is stated that the Christian clergy, barons and everyone from the secular class, who were very pleased with the expulsion of the Jews in 1290, faced heavy taxes. ⁽²¹⁹⁾ There were those who attributed important political consequences to exile. The victory of the towns over the King was associated with the loss of financial support from the Jews. ⁽²²⁰⁾ In fact, it is stated that the most important reason for the financial crisis that caused Edward I to convene the Great Parliament in 1294 was exile. ⁽²²¹⁾ But the disappearance of a community from which the King had already stopped receiving help in his ventures abroad or in his struggles within the country did not have a very important consequence. ⁽²²²⁾

     The most important feature of the 1290 Exile is that it was the first in this regard. Although similar exiles took place in 1182 and 1249, these remained at a local level and did not include all Jews in the country. However, in the Middle Ages, all Jews in a country were expelled for the first time in 1290.

     Tactics such as the permanent expulsion of Jews from England and the attempted forced conversions that preceded it are widely viewed as setting an important precedent and as a precedent for the “Alhambra Decree of 1492”. ⁽²²³⁾

     Traditional narratives of King Edward I have attempted to downplay the event, emphasizing the peacefulness of the expulsion or locating its roots in Edward’s pragmatic need to extract money from Parliament. ⁽²²⁴⁾ He produced more recent work on the experience of the Anglo-Jewish community, which was the culmination of the state-sponsored policy of Anti-Semitism. ⁽²²⁵⁾ These studies place the expulsion in the context of the execution of Jews and the first Royal-sponsored attempts to “Christianize” Jews, saying that this was the first time a state permanently expelled all Jews from its territory. ⁽²²⁶⁾

     There is evidence that for contemporaries of King of England Edward I, the expulsion of the Jews was considered one of his most important achievements. In the “Commendaatio”, which was widely distributed after his death, he was praised by saying that “Edward I outshone the Pharaohs by exiling the Jews”, in addition to his wars of “conquest” in Scotland and Wales. ⁽²²⁷⁾

     Between the expulsion of Jews in 1290 and their unofficial return in 1655, there are no official traces of such Jews on English soil, except those associated with the Domus Conversorum, which retained some of them until 1551 and even later. ⁽²²⁸⁾

     After both the “Alhambra Decree of 1492” expelling Jews from Spain in 1492 and similar measures implemented in Portugal in 1496, some foreign merchants (those who were Jews and converted to Christianity; those who generally practice Judaism secretly; sometimes known as “New Christians” or derogatorily called “Marranos”) settled in London and Bristol. The small community was largely connected to the Belgian city of Antwerp (Anvers; Antwerpen) by trade, and they were expelled altogether in 1609. With London’s increasing importance as a trading city, Dutch Jews began to settle in the country once again from the 1630s. The current Jewish population in the United Kingdom has increased since this day. ⁽²²⁹⁾

     The English Reformation, which began in the 1530s, brought about some changes that would benefit the Jews in the long run. The teachings and rituals of the Roman Catholic Church (Vatican) that insulted Jews were eliminated, especially those that emphasized the role of Jews in the death of Jesus. Anti-Semitism was replaced by greater anti-Catholicism, with the Pope as the antichrist. ⁽²³⁰⁾ The English Civil Wars (1642 – 51) and the Interregnum (1649 – 60) were marked by the beginning of both widespread new generation beliefs and religious tolerance. Significantly, Millenarianism in England had a strongly Hebraic character, emphasizing the study of Hebrew and Judaism. This has sometimes been extended by some to claim that the English are descendants of the 10 Lost Tribes of Israel. ⁽²³¹⁾ Oliver Cromwell (1599 – 1658) himself, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, who changed England’s form of government from Kingdom to Republic and brought back the Jews who had been exiled from England in 1290 to England in 1655 – 1656, was among the supporters of this idea. ⁽²³²⁾

     The expulsion had a lasting impact, embedding anti-Semitism in British culture. The “Edict of Expulsion” remained in force throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages. The edict was overturned more than 365 years later, when the Protectorate unofficially permitted the resettlement of Jews to England in 1656.

– will continue –

     FOOTNOTES:

⁽¹⁶⁰⁾: Zefira Entin Rokéah, Money and the Hangman in Late Thirteenth Century England: Jews, Christians and Coinage Offences Alleged and Real – 1, Jewish Historical Studies, issue 31, p. 98, 1988 – 1990, https://www.jstor.org/stable/29779864

⁽¹⁶¹⁾: ibid, p. 91 – 92

⁽¹⁶²⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 140 – 142, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽¹⁶³⁾: Henry Richardson, English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, p. 223 – 225, Methuen Publishing, London 1960

⁽¹⁶⁴⁾: Zefira Entin Rokéah, Money and the Hangman in Late Thirteenth Century England: Jews, Christians and Coinage Offences Alleged and Real – 1, Jewish Historical Studies, issue 31, p. 98, 1988 – 1990, https://www.jstor.org/stable/29779864

⁽¹⁶⁵⁾: Henry Richardson, English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, p. 218, Methuen Publishing, London 1960

⁽¹⁶⁶⁾: ibid, p. 223 – 225

⁽¹⁶⁷⁾: John Tolan, England’s Jews: Finance, Violence and the Crown in the Thirteenth Century, p. 172 – 173, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2023

⁽¹⁶⁸⁾: Isidore Singer, The Jewish Encyclopedia, volume 5, Joseph Jacobs, “England”, p. 161 – 174, Funk & Wagnalls Publishing, New York 1903

⁽¹⁶⁹⁾: John Tolan, England’s Jews: Finance, Violence and the Crown in the Thirteenth Century, p. 177 – 178, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2023

⁽¹⁷⁰⁾: Joseph Jacobs, ibid / John Tolan, ibid

⁽¹⁷¹⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 145, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽¹⁷²⁾: John Tolan, England’s Jews: Finance, Violence and the Crown in the Thirteenth Century, p. 180, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2023

⁽¹⁷³⁾: Michael Charles Prestwich, Edward I, p. 306, Yale University Press, New Haven 1997

⁽¹⁷⁴⁾: Henry Richardson, English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, p. 225 – 227, Methuen Publishing, London 1960 / Michael Charles Prestwich, ibid, p. 346

⁽¹⁷⁵⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 145 – 146, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006 / Marc Morris, A Great and Terrible King: Edward I and the Forging of Britain, p. 226, Windmill Books, London 2009 / John Tolan, England’s Jews: Finance, Violence and the Crown in the Thirteenth Century, p. 180 – 181, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2023

⁽¹⁷⁶⁾: Richard Huscroft, ibid, p. 146 – 149 / Marc Morris, ibid, p. 227 / John Tolan, ibid, p. 181 – 182

⁽¹⁷⁷⁾: Michael Charles Prestwich, Edward I, p. 307, Yale University Press, New Haven 1997

⁽¹⁷⁸⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 85, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽¹⁷⁹⁾: Henry Richardson, English Jewry Under Angevin Kings, p. 228, Methuen Publishing, London 1960 / Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 150 – 151, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽¹⁸⁰⁾: Michael Prestwich – Richard H. Britnell – Robin Frame, Thirteenth Century England: Proceedings of the Durham Conference 1995, volume 6, Robert C. Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation and the Expulsion of the Jews from England”, p. 78 and 100 – 101, Boydell Press, Woodbridge 1997

⁽¹⁸¹⁾: Michael Charles Prestwich, Edward I, p. 343, Yale University Press, New Haven 1997 / Robert C. Stacey, ibid, p. 93

⁽¹⁸²⁾: George Hare Leonard, The Expulsion of the Jews by Edward I: An Essay in Explanation of the Exodus, A.D. 1290, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, issue 5, p. 103, December 1891, https://www.jstor.org/stable/3678048 / Richard Huscroft, ibid, p. 151 – 153

⁽¹⁸³⁾: All sources about the Exile Edict of 12 July 1290

⁽¹⁸⁴⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 85, footnote 1, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽¹⁸⁵⁾: Tony Kushner, The Jewish Heritage in British History, Colin F. Richmond, Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry, p. 44 – 45, Frank Cass & Co. Publishing, London 1992

⁽¹⁸⁶⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 85, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽¹⁸⁷⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 151, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽¹⁸⁸⁾: Cecil Roth, ibid

⁽¹⁸⁹⁾: ibid

⁽¹⁹⁰⁾: Isidore Singer, The Jewish Encyclopedia, volume 5, Joseph Jacobs, “England”, p. 161 – 174, Funk & Wagnalls Publishing, New York 1903

⁽¹⁹¹⁾: Cecil Roth, ibid

⁽¹⁹²⁾: Joe Hillaby – Caroline Hillaby, The Palgrave Dictionary of Medieval Anglo-Jewish History, p. 138, Palgrave Macmillan Publishing, Basingstoke 2013

⁽¹⁹³⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 86 – 87, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964 / Michael Charles Prestwich, Edward I, p. 346, Yale University Press, New Haven 1997

⁽¹⁹⁴⁾: Cecil Roth, ibid, p. 87, footnote 1

⁽¹⁹⁵⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 157, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽¹⁹⁶⁾: Cecil Roth, ibid, p. 87

⁽¹⁹⁷⁾: ibid, p. 87 – 88

⁽¹⁹⁸⁾: Richard Huscroft, ibid, p. 157 – 159

⁽¹⁹⁹⁾: ibid, p. 160

⁽²⁰⁰⁾: Walteri de Hemingburgh, Chronicon Domini Walteri de Hemingburgh, vulgo Hemingford Nuncupati… de Gestis Regum Angliæ, volume 2, p. 21, English Historical Society Publishing, London 1849

⁽²⁰¹⁾: Patricia Skinner, Jews in Medieval Britain, section “Introduction”, p. 1, Boydell Press, Woodbridge 2003 / Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 12, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽²⁰²⁾: John R. Maddicott – David Palliser, The Medieval English State, Robert C. Stacey, “Antisemitism and the Medieval English State”, p. 164 – 165, Hambledon Press, London 2001

⁽²⁰³⁾: ibid, p. 165

⁽²⁰⁴⁾: ibid

⁽²⁰⁵⁾: ibid, p. 175 – 177

⁽²⁰⁶⁾: Bernard Glassman, Antisemitic Stereotypes without Jews: Images of the Jews 1290 – 1700, Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1975 / Tony Kushner, The Jewish Heritage in British History, Colin F. Richmond, Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry, p. 44 – 45, Frank Cass & Co. Publishing, London 1992 / James Shapiro, Shakespeare and the Jews, p. 42, Columbia University Press, Chichester 1996 / Sheila Delany, Chaucer and the Jews, Sylvia Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer and the Virtual Jew”, p. 69 – 70, Routledge Publishing, London 2002 / Debra Higgs Strickland, Edward I: Exodus and England on the Hereford World Map, Speculum, issue 93, p. 420 – 469, April 2018, https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/130830/1/130830.pdf

⁽²⁰⁷⁾: Robin R. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, p. 27, Cambridge University Press Cambridge 2002

⁽²⁰⁸⁾: Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 86 – 87 and 140 – 141, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽²⁰⁹⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 87 – 88, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽²¹⁰⁾: Vivian David Lipman, Anatomy of Medieval Anglo Jewry, Jewish Historical Society of England, issue 21, p. 64, 1962 – 1967, https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/The-Anatomy-of-Medieval-Anglo-Jewry-Lipman-D.Phil/f40294d68622e103fd86613f322c9401285874e2

⁽²¹¹⁾: Walteri de Hemingburgh, Chronicon Domini Walteri de Hemingburgh, vulgo Hemingford Nuncupati… de Gestis Regum Angliæ, volume 2, p. 20, English Historical Society Publishing, London 1849

⁽²¹²⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 88, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽²¹³⁾: Lionel Barnett Abrahams, The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290, The Jewish Quarterly Review, issue 7, p. 447, October 1894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1450332?seq=1

⁽²¹⁴⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 133, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽²¹⁵⁾: Bernard Glassman, Antisemitic Stereotypes without Jews: Images of the Jews 1290 – 1700, part 1 and 2, Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1975

⁽²¹⁶⁾: Denise L. Despres, Immaculate Flesh and the Social Body: Mary and the Jews, Jewish History, issue 12, p. 47, 1998, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20101323

⁽²¹⁷⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 132, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964

⁽²¹⁸⁾: ibid, p. 27

⁽²¹⁹⁾: Stephen Dowell, A History of Taxation and Taxes in England, volume 1, p. 69, Longmans, Green & Co. Publishing, London 1888

⁽²²⁰⁾: Lionel Barnett Abrahams, The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290, The Jewish Quarterly Review, issue 7, p. 457, October 1894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1450332?seq=1

⁽²²¹⁾: Lionel Barnett Abrahams, The Economic and Financial Position of the Jews in Mediaeval England Presidential Address, Jewish Historical Society of England, issue 8, p. 172, 1915 – 1917

⁽²²²⁾: Lionel Barnett Abrahams, The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290, The Jewish Quarterly Review, issue 7, p. 457, October 1894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1450332?seq=1

⁽²²³⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 90, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964 / Tony Kushner, The Jewish Heritage in British History, Colin F. Richmond, Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry, p. 44 – 45, Frank Cass & Co. Publishing, London 1992 / Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 164, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽²²⁴⁾: Colin F. Richmond, ibid

⁽²²⁵⁾: John R. Maddicott – David Palliser, The Medieval English State, Robert C. Stacey, “Antisemitism and the Medieval English State”, p. 177, Hambledon Press, London 2001

⁽²²⁶⁾: Cecil Roth, A History of the Jews in England, p. 90, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1964 / John R. Maddicott – David Palliser, The Medieval English State, Robert C. Stacey, “Antisemitism and the Medieval English State”, Hambledon Press, London 2001 / Patricia Skinner, Jews in Medieval Britain, section “Introduction”, p. 1, Boydell Press, Woodbridge 2003 / Richard Huscroft, Expulsion: England’s Jewish Solution, p. 12, Tempus Publishing, Stroud 2006

⁽²²⁷⁾: Debra Higgs Strickland, Edward I: Exodus and England on the Hereford World Map, Speculum, issue 93, p. 455 – 456, April 2018, https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/130830/1/130830.pdf

⁽²²⁸⁾: Isidore Singer, The Jewish Encyclopedia, volume 5, Joseph Jacobs, “England”, p. 161 – 174, Funk & Wagnalls Publishing, New York 1903

⁽²²⁹⁾: Todd M. Endelman, The Jews of Britain (1656 to 2000), p. 17 – 18, University of California Press, Berkeley & Los Angeles & London 2002

⁽²³⁰⁾: Todd M. Endelman, The Jews of Georgian England, 1714 – 1830: Tradition and Change in a Liberal Society, p. 47, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 1999 / Albert S. Lindemann – Richard S. Levy, Antisemitism: A History, p. 151, Oxford University Press, Oxford & New York 2008

⁽²³¹⁾: Mel Scult, Millennial Expectations and Jewish Liberties: A Study of the Efforts to Convert the Jews in Britain, Up to the Mid Nineteenth Century, p. 18, Brill Publishing, Leiden 1978 / Elizabeth Caldwell Hirschman – Donald N. Yates, The Early Jews and Muslims of England and Wales: A Genetic and Genealogical History, p. 163 – 173, McFarland & Company Publishing, Jefferson 2014

⁽²³²⁾: Pinchas E. Lapide, Hebrew in the Church: The Foundations of Jewish-Christian Dialogue, p. 73, Eerdmans Publishing, Grand Rapids 1984

     SEDİYANİ HABER

     11 JULY 2024